Control and Complex Event Nominals in Hungarian

In this paper I offer a new LFG-account of control phenomena in Hungarian DPs containing derived nominal heads. Its most important aspects are as follows. It leaves the standard LFG assumptions about argument structure, the system of grammatical functions available in the nominal domain, and LMT intact. It holds that the unexpressed "subject" argument of a derived nominal argument can only be anaphorically controlled. It postulates a POSS PRO argument for nominals derived from intransitive verbs. In the case of nominals derived from transitive verbs, it assumes that the highest [-o] argument is associated with the zero GF symbol (Π (pi)). However, contrary to the general view, it claims that this symbol is ambiguous: in addition to triggering the existential interpretation of the (suppressed) argument it is associated with, it has another function. It can also invoke a "PRO-interpretation" of the argument in question. Control relations in this extended sense are checked in semantic structure.